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Has ‘pro-China’ Peter Dutton morphed from a hawk into a dove?
Of all the words one could use to describe Peter Dutton, “pro-China” would not be at the top of the list. Yet that’s precisely how the opposition leader identified himself as Chinese Premier Li Qiang was preparing to arrive in Australia for a high-profile visit.
Asked whether he, like Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, was “pro-panda”, Dutton went much further than expressing a fondness for furry animals.
Opposition Leader Peter Dutton speaks at Monday’s official luncheon with Chinese Premier Li Qiang.Credit: Alex Ellinghausen
“I’m pro-China and the relationship that we have with them,” he told 2GB radio host Chris O’Keefe on June 11. “I want that trading relationship to increase ... We need to make sure we strengthen the trading relationship because there are many businesses here who rely on it.”
It was a stunning – and almost entirely unremarked upon – shift in how Dutton has previously spoken about China. And it was no accident, but part of a concerted attempt to win back Chinese-Australian voters at the next election.
James Laurenceson, the director of the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney, says: “The big story of the premier’s visit was actually not Li or Albanese but Dutton’s extraordinary shift in language. I’m amazed no one seems to have picked up on it.”
Indeed, one can imagine the howls of outrage from the opposition and conservative commentariat if Albanese or one of his ministers had dared to describe themselves as “pro-China”.
During the last election, Scott Morrison controversially dubbed Labor frontbencher Richard Marles a pro-Beijing “Manchurian candidate”, questioning his loyalty to the country because he had once called for strong ties with China.
In a government packed with China hawks, Dutton stood out as one of the most committed. On Anzac Day in 2022, the then-defence minister compared Beijing and Moscow’s military build-ups to the rise of Nazism in the 1930s and warned of the risk of war.
“The Chinese, through their actions, through their words, are on a very deliberate course at the moment, and we have to stand up with countries to stare down any act of aggression,” Dutton said.
Just a month ago, in his budget reply speech, Dutton said: “Authoritarian regimes like China, Russia, Iran and North Korea are emboldened, expanding their militaries, conducting cyberattacks, and engaging in foreign interference.”
Such rhetoric was absent during Li’s visit to Australia. Dutton the hawk, it seemed, had been replaced by Dutton the dove.
In a speech at a lunch held in Li’s honour on Monday, Dutton was effusive, saying he “most sincerely” welcomed the premier to Parliament House.
After praising China for lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and making a major contribution to Australia’s economy, Dutton said he wanted to celebrate Australia’s “incredible” Chinese-Australian community.
“They have helped to build our nation, they have succeeded in many fields of endeavour, they cherish Australia, and as our fellow Australians, we cherish them,” he said.
The closest Dutton came to criticism was declaring that “we should always use our influence to deter other nations who initiate conflict or sponsor terrorism” – seemingly an oblique reference to Beijing’s support for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war on Ukraine.
One person who did notice Dutton’s change in language was Albanese, who described him as “a lion outside and a pussycat when in front of Premier Li and other Chinese officials”.
The reason for the shift is clear: the Liberal Party realises its muscular rhetoric on China during last year’s election went too far, costing the party votes in key electorates.
The Liberal Party’s review of the last federal election – conducted by former party director Brian Loughnane and Victorian senator Jane Hume – confirmed swings against the party were significantly higher in seats with large numbers of voters of Chinese ancestry.
“There is a particular need for the party’s representatives to be sensitive to the genuine concerns of the Chinese community and to ensure language used cannot be misinterpreted as insensitive,” the review said.
The post-mortem called for the Liberal Party to make rebuilding the relationship with the Chinese diaspora community a priority for this term of parliament.
Dutton said he raised points of disagreement with Li during a private meeting, including the “completely unacceptable” way Chinese embassy officials treated journalist Cheng Lei by trying to block her at a Parliament House document signing ceremony.
He will likely continue to criticise Beijing for bad behaviour and criticise the government when he thinks they are going too soft. But he appears to have taken the election post-mortem findings to heart and is seeking to moderate his rhetoric.
During Li’s visit, Dutton spoke repeatedly about his desire for peace in the Indo-Pacific, a less abrasive formulation than warning about the risk of war. He lavished praise on the Chinese diaspora community for their contribution to Australia. And he emphasised commonalities – especially the mutual desire for strong trade ties – rather than differences.
Speaking ahead of Li’s visit, Dutton said a stronger trading relationship with China would be “a very important part of the manifesto that we’ll take to the next election”.
Dutton may, as many speculate, have given up on winning back a swag of climate-conscious inner-city teal seats. But former Liberal seats with high numbers of Chinese-Australian voters, such as Bennelong in Sydney and Chisholm in Melbourne, are clearly in his sights.
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